Russia and its post-Imperium policies
The new term of Russian President Vladimir Putin takes place in a different national as well as international context from a decade ago. The idea is stated by the authors of a recent report issued by the Institute for Development and Social Initiatives (IDIS) “Viitorul,” a Moldovan think tank.
According to the report, Putin’s popularity is not the same as it was years ago.
“The protests of opposition and tens of thousands of Russians that accompanied the Russian presidential and parliamentary elections have undermined the legitimacy of power and tarnished Putin’s personal image. His popularity is not that of ten years ago, the Kremlin’s political castling did not necessarily pleased all Russians, while the society pressures to democratize Russian overlap some economic realities far from being favorable to political pluralism,’ the report of IDIS “Viitorul” informs.
Some scholars say that post-Imperium is the name used in recently emphasizing the new policy of Russia in the former Soviet area, “which involves economic integration and military presence, with no perspective to reanimate the former empire.”
Moldovan-Russian relations did not register quite significant changes. Kremlin appointed Dmitry Rogozin as Russia’s envoy to Transnistria and Farid Mukhametshin as Ambassador to Chisinau.
The report informs that Moldova together with other Eastern Partnership states have a top priority – the European integration, which is the only way for country’s development, reintegration and modernization.
“Connected to the European economy Moldova can draw capital directly from the source, rather than “waiting for its turn” within a Eurasian project. Moreover, European integration is the strategic objective assumed by the Republic of Moldova, and the Government is implementing a reform plan coordinated with the European Commission regarding four major platforms: political affiliation, economic integration, visa liberalization regime and energy sector,” shows the report.
“Russia has no special economic interests in Moldova, in comparison with the interests it has in other CIS members, such as for example Ukraine. Across Moldova’s territory are transited about 20 billion m3 of Russian gas to the Balkans, but Gazprom owns Moldovagaz. Imports from Russia amounted in 2011 to $823 million.”
The authors of the publication say Moldova has to argue the economic reasons determining the European integration, but also to remind Russia that it has friends in the European Union as well.
“Russia’s potential pressures, designed in fact to undermine Moldova’s European course and connect it to the new Eurasian project, should not be attenuated by signing the documents incompatible with the European integration or that will never be ratified,” concludes the report.